OPINION: How the Chinese Indonesians share their wealth
The Jakarta Post, February 12, 2005
It has been a hallmark of Chinese New Year (or Imlek) to share angpao (red envelopes) as a gesture of sharing wealth, luck and joy. What does a Chinese Indonesian have to share in this Imlek of 2556?
In light of the tsunami catastrophe several Chinese Indonesian religious and cultural associations found it necessary to call for more moderate celebrations. Perhaps it was a futile call -- remembering how during New Year's Eve, less than a week after the disaster, frenzied parties were still held.
After all, Imlek these days is no longer a closed family celebration. Since 2000 it has become a festive national occasion -- mainly thanks to the media and business sector. Nevertheless, the call is a sympathetic gesture that we ought to respect.
Festive or moderate, Imlek is an expression, even at the most superficial level, of the extent to which Chinese Indonesians are freely able to express themselves and of how much they are generally accepted by the non-Chinese public.
This is the time when symbolic oriental ornaments burst out brazenly like mushrooms on rainy days. The colorful Imlek celebrations led many people abroad to believe Chinese Indonesians have finally gained acceptance and complete freedom of expression in Indonesia.
But how do Chinese Indonesians evaluate their new freedom? By how many red-and-gold calligraphy signs or lanterns they can display in front of their shops or homes? Or simply by counting how many barongsai (dragon or lion) dances they can perform in one night?
This valuation is quite a superficial if not a complacent one.
The tsunami disaster has taught a Chinese Indonesians a lesson about solidarity in ways they may never have thought of before. The disaster has meant that a new humanitarian agenda has become more important than an anti-discrimination agenda. This may well be the first time Chinese Indonesians engage in a real nation-building agenda that is inclusive as well as cross-cultural.
People might well have been cynical when they heard about the Rp 10.5 billion donations from certain Chinese Indonesian tycoons. This old-school approach -- or shall we say, the typical "ATM function" -- is, fortunately, not the only way Chinese Indonesians participate in disaster relief.
One thing missing from the local media coverage is the active engagement in humanitarian efforts by numerous Chinese Indonesian associations, which in the past had been fiercely and unconstructively competitive. The awareness of the enormity of the tsunami problem has led these organizations to forget past quarrels and to devise a joint effort for the sake of efficiency as well as effectiveness.
On the other hand, while there is cooperation, there is no "unified Tionghoa" concept and there will likely never be.
However, important programs that will contribute to the longer-term reconstruction efforts for disaster areas have been devised. The refusal to simply deliver cheques to policy makers and be happy with a snapshot (or two) with Mr. President is a rather encouraging sign of the redefined notion of participation from the Chinese Indonesian side.
A greater opportunity for Chinese Indonesian youth to help has also materialized. Many have responded proactively and compassionately, and many more should do so while this window of opportunity is open.
Cooperation between young and old is needed in these efforts to best direct the passions of the young to help. Such horizontal engagement is critical because it puts a human face on Chinese Indonesian participation in the country -- showing the ethnic Chinese here are prepared to go further than money.
The Chinese, Acehnese and Papuans have been considered as the most "problematic" elements in nation building in Indonesia. Now, however, these "problems" have a chance to work together constructively, side by side. It is truly time to seize the day. Top priority must be given to constructive engagement between Chinese and Acehnese social agencies.
This engagement must hinge on a mutual respect of each community's cultural identity. Identity conflicts have occurred in the past -- including the recent unfounded allegations of the exclusive nature of Chinese Indonesian refugee camps as well as false rumors about anti-Chinese riots in disaster areas.
These conflicts could occur again if people continue to disregard the importance and worth of cultural diversity. Participation in the reconstruction process must be a manifestation of sensitivity over the needs and aspirations of the Acehnese. Only this way can a stronger horizontal engagement with civil society be established.
Perhaps a consultative body, with representation from Chinese groups and from the Acehnese community is needed to work along government agencies in planning Aceh's reconstruction.
Red lanterns, golden Gong Xi Fa Cai banners, Year of the Rooster ornaments and lion dances are pretty. But the best angpao the Chinese Indonesian can deliver goes beyond such oriental rituals.
In light of the tsunami catastrophe several Chinese Indonesian religious and cultural associations found it necessary to call for more moderate celebrations. Perhaps it was a futile call -- remembering how during New Year's Eve, less than a week after the disaster, frenzied parties were still held.
After all, Imlek these days is no longer a closed family celebration. Since 2000 it has become a festive national occasion -- mainly thanks to the media and business sector. Nevertheless, the call is a sympathetic gesture that we ought to respect.
Festive or moderate, Imlek is an expression, even at the most superficial level, of the extent to which Chinese Indonesians are freely able to express themselves and of how much they are generally accepted by the non-Chinese public.
This is the time when symbolic oriental ornaments burst out brazenly like mushrooms on rainy days. The colorful Imlek celebrations led many people abroad to believe Chinese Indonesians have finally gained acceptance and complete freedom of expression in Indonesia.
But how do Chinese Indonesians evaluate their new freedom? By how many red-and-gold calligraphy signs or lanterns they can display in front of their shops or homes? Or simply by counting how many barongsai (dragon or lion) dances they can perform in one night?
This valuation is quite a superficial if not a complacent one.
People might well have been cynical when they heard about the Rp 10.5 billion donations from certain Chinese Indonesian tycoons. This old-school approach -- or shall we say, the typical "ATM function" -- is, fortunately, not the only way Chinese Indonesians participate in disaster relief.
One thing missing from the local media coverage is the active engagement in humanitarian efforts by numerous Chinese Indonesian associations, which in the past had been fiercely and unconstructively competitive. The awareness of the enormity of the tsunami problem has led these organizations to forget past quarrels and to devise a joint effort for the sake of efficiency as well as effectiveness.
On the other hand, while there is cooperation, there is no "unified Tionghoa" concept and there will likely never be.
However, important programs that will contribute to the longer-term reconstruction efforts for disaster areas have been devised. The refusal to simply deliver cheques to policy makers and be happy with a snapshot (or two) with Mr. President is a rather encouraging sign of the redefined notion of participation from the Chinese Indonesian side.
A greater opportunity for Chinese Indonesian youth to help has also materialized. Many have responded proactively and compassionately, and many more should do so while this window of opportunity is open.
Cooperation between young and old is needed in these efforts to best direct the passions of the young to help. Such horizontal engagement is critical because it puts a human face on Chinese Indonesian participation in the country -- showing the ethnic Chinese here are prepared to go further than money.
The Chinese, Acehnese and Papuans have been considered as the most "problematic" elements in nation building in Indonesia. Now, however, these "problems" have a chance to work together constructively, side by side. It is truly time to seize the day. Top priority must be given to constructive engagement between Chinese and Acehnese social agencies.
This engagement must hinge on a mutual respect of each community's cultural identity. Identity conflicts have occurred in the past -- including the recent unfounded allegations of the exclusive nature of Chinese Indonesian refugee camps as well as false rumors about anti-Chinese riots in disaster areas.
These conflicts could occur again if people continue to disregard the importance and worth of cultural diversity. Participation in the reconstruction process must be a manifestation of sensitivity over the needs and aspirations of the Acehnese. Only this way can a stronger horizontal engagement with civil society be established.
Perhaps a consultative body, with representation from Chinese groups and from the Acehnese community is needed to work along government agencies in planning Aceh's reconstruction.
Red lanterns, golden Gong Xi Fa Cai banners, Year of the Rooster ornaments and lion dances are pretty. But the best angpao the Chinese Indonesian can deliver goes beyond such oriental rituals.
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